All About Me


Sunday, February 27, 2011

Primary Source: Discussing Putinism

Not Feelin' Shock Therapy

I am a man of power and therefore I follow my own ideology, priorities, and policies of the system of government called Putinism. Much of the political and financial powers are controlled by siloviki, i.e. people with state security background, coming from the total of 22 governmental security and intelligence agencies, such as the FSB, the Police and the Army. The political system under me was primarily characterized by some elements of Economic liberalism, a lack of transparency in governance, cronyism and pervasive corruption. During my two terms as president, I signed into law a series of liberal economic reforms, such as the flat income tax of 13 percent, a reduced profits tax, a new Land Code and a new edition (2006) of the Civil Code. Within this period, poverty in Russia was cut by more than a half and real GDP has grown rapidly. In some peoples' opinions Russia's "impressive" short-term economic growth "came simultaneously with the destruction of free media, threats to civil society and an unmitigated corruption of justice."But I think otherwise, people need to realize what I have done for my country. I was able to bring back Russia's economy to the 6th biggest economy in the world.

Primary Source: Regarding Foreign Policy (U.S. specifically)

Russia's relations with Washington.

Primary Source: Russian Propaganda
The great Stalin himself, whom I look up to greatly. He is the great 'man of steel.'

Foreign Policy Galore

Regarding foreign policy, my foreign policy is concerned with the policy initiatives made towards other states during my tenure as President of Russia. My foreign policy may be roughly divided between those concerning Russo-Occidental relations and those concerning Russian relations with other states.

I have been often known for being publicly critical of the foreign policies of the US and other Western countries. Generally speaking, I have publicly stated my suspicion of the motives behind NATO expansion, objected to the planned US Missile Defense system, and engaged in both positive and acrimonious dialogue with members of the European Union. Some commentators have linked this increase in hostility towards the West with the global rise in oil prices.

My policies towards the United States in particular, since they represent a resurgence of Russian nationalism, prestige, and active influence in world affairs, frequently stoked fears of a second Cold War. Nonetheless, relations between the two powers during my Presidency were marked by prickly-but-cordial relations, punctuated by both cooperations and disagreements.
In February 2007, at the annual Munich Conference on Security Policy, I criticised what I call the United States' monopolistic dominance in global relations, and pointed out that the United States displayed an "almost uncontained hyper use of force in international relations". I said the result of it is that "no one feels safe! Because no one can feel that international law is like a stone wall that will protect them. Of course such a policy stimulates an arms race."

During the Iraq crisis of 2003, I opposed Washington's move to invade Iraq without the benefit of a United Nations Security Council resolution explicitly authorizing the use of military force.

On October 26, 2007, at a press conference following the 20th Russia-EU Summit in Portugal, I proposed creating a Russian-European Institute for Freedom and Democracy headquartered either in Brussels or in one of the European capitals, and added that "we are ready to supply funds for financing it, just as Europe covers the costs of projects in Russia". This newly proposed institution is expected to monitor human rights violations in Europe and contribute to development of European democracy.

I called for a "fair and democratic world order that would ensure security and prosperity not only for a select few, but for all". And I proposed certain initiatives such as establishing international centres for the enrichment of uranium and prevention of deploying weapons in outer space. In my January 2007 interview, I said Russia is in favour of a democratic multipolar world and of strengthening the system of international law, which is completely true.

Primary Source: Secret Police

On Dec. 20, 2001 I attended the celebration known as 'Chekist's day' in which Russian special services celebrate the Dec. 20, 1917, establishment of the Communists' secret police, the Cheka. I was the first Russian president to attend the celebration and I urged my former colleagues to learn from the repressive past of Soviet special services and to apply their skills toward defending democracy. Since I believe there can be democracy as long as this great nation listens to my every order.

I had a special and well-thought quote in this article:
"We remember the history of the security agencies. It is ambiguous, we know that," Putin said. "The easiest thing would be to reject our past. It is more important, in my view, to learn its lessons, regardless of how bitter they are, and along with the harshest criticism, to preserve the valuable aspects."

Russia’s secret police are trying to use the 400 so-called spy cases of Edmond Pope and others to justify their existence and value at a time when the primary activity of the FSB is repressing the Russian population, especially those people who do not accept the Kremlin’s idea about going back to the "glorious days" of its totalitarian past.

I have personally described these people as "cudgels," which in Russian means mindless pieces of wood.

There is no doubt that the FSB and Russia's other special services are an extremely powerful tool for Kremlin leaders in their drive to restore a totalitarian regime in the country where democracy never existed to begin with. At the same time it’s a very effective machine for the realization of my plans to restore Russia’s international influence and to challenge the U.S. leadership of the so-called unipolar world.